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Secretary of Protection William Cohen thought that the President may need been making a hypothetical statement.Regardless, he mentioned, the question remained the best way to get the “ninjas” into and out of the theater of operations.One hundred ten As mentioned in chapter 4, plans of this sort had been by no means carried out before 9/11. In late 1999 or early 2000, the Joint Employees ’s director of operations,Vice Admiral Scott Fry, directed his chief information operations officer, Brigadier Common Scott Gration, to develop progressive ways to get higher intelligence on Bin Ladin’s whereabouts. The FBI was struggling to construct up its institutional capabilities to do extra towards thrifty car rental dubai contact number terrorism, counting on a method referred to as MAXCAP 05 that had been unveiled within the summer of 2000.The FBI’s assistant director for counterterrorism, Dale Watson, instructed us that he felt the new Justice Department leadership was not supportive of the strategy.Watson had the sense that the Justice Department wished the FBI to get again to the investigative fundamentals: guns, drugs, and civil rights.The new administration did search an 8 % enhance in general FBI funding in its preliminary budget proposal for fiscal year 2002, together with the most important proposed proportion improve within the FBI’s counterterrorism program since fiscal yr 1997.The additional funds included the FBI’s help of the 2002 Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City, Utah (a onetime increase), enhanced safety at FBI services, and enhancements to the FBI’s WMD incident response functionality.231 In May, the Justice Department started shaping plans for building a price range for fiscal year 2003, the process that will often culminate in an administration proposal at the start of 2002. On May 9, the lawyer common testified at a congressional listening to concerning federal efforts to fight terrorism.

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Clarke used the President’s remark to push the CSG to brainstorm new ideas, together with aid to the Northern Alliance.99 Again in December 1999, Northern Alliance chief Ahmed Shah Massoud had provided to stage a rocket attack towards Bin Ladin’s Derunta training advanced. Bush; Rice’s deputy, Stephen Hadley, who had been an assistant secretary of defense underneath the first Bush; and Chief of Staff Andrew Card, who had served that very same administration as deputy chief of staff, then secretary of transportation. As well as, he despatched his senior advisor, Mohammed Atef, to a unique a part of Kandahar and his deputy, Ayman al Zawahiri, to Kabul so that every one three couldn't be killed in one attack.125 There was no American strike. Clarke advised starting with modest aid, simply sufficient to keep the Northern Alliance in the fight and tie down al Qaeda terrorists, without aiming to overthrow the Taliban.208 FROM Menace TO Menace 205 Rice, Hadley, and the NSC staff member for Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, advised us they opposed giving aid to the Northern Alliance alone.They argued that the program needed to have a big part for Pashtun opponents of the Taliban.They also thought the program should be performed on a bigger scale than had been prompt.Clarke concurred with the thought of a bigger program,however he warned that delay risked the Northern Alliance’s closing defeat by the hands of the Taliban.209 In the course of the spring, the CIA, on the NSC’s request, had developed draft legal authorities-a presidential discovering-to undertake a large-scale program of covert assistance to the Taliban’s foes.The draft authorities expressly acknowledged that the purpose of the help was to not overthrow the Taliban. Hadley accepted this argument, and the draft MON was put on hold.235 As the coverage overview moved forward, the deliberate covert motion program for Afghanistan was included in the draft presidential directive, as a part of an “Annex A” on intelligence actions to “eliminate the al Qaeda risk.”236 The main debate through the summer of 2001 targeting the one new mechanism for a lethal attack on Bin Ladin-an armed version golden motor qusais of the Predator drone.

Quite the opposite, Rumsfeld thought that a lot time had passed and his deputy,Paul Wolfowitz, thought that the Cole attack was “stale.”Hadley stated that in the long run, the administration’s real response to the Cole can be a new, extra aggressive technique against al Qaeda.182 The administration decided to suggest to Congress a substantial improve in counterterrorism funding for nationwide safety agencies, together with the CIA and the FBI.This included a 27 percent increase in counterterrorism funding for the CIA.183 Starting a Review In early March, the administration postponed action on proposals for growing help to the Northern Alliance and the Uzbeks. He recalled that the Taliban had spotted a Predator within the fall of 2000 and scrambled their MiG fighters. Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage instructed us that while U.S. For the primary time, Clarke’s various proposals-for aid to the Northern Alliance and the Uzbeks and for Predator missions-went earlier than the group that, within the Bush NSC, would do a lot of the coverage work.Though they made no selections on these particular proposals, Hadley apparently concluded that there needs to be a presidential nationwide safety coverage directive (NSPD) on terrorism.188 Clarke would later specific irritation concerning the deputies’ insistence that a method for coping with al Qaeda be framed throughout the context of a regional coverage. Soon after the Cole assault and for the remainder of the Clinton administration, analysts stopped distributing written stories about who was responsible.The topic was clearly kia used cars uae sensitive, and both Ambassador Bodine in Yemen and CIA analysts in Washington presumed that the federal government did not want experiences circulating across the agencies that FROM Menace TO Menace 193 would possibly change into public, impeding law enforcement actions or backing the President right into a nook.139 Instead the White Home and other principals relied on informal updates as more evidence got here in.Although Clarke apprehensive that the CIA may be equivocating in assigning responsibility to al Qaeda, he wrote Berger on November 7 that the analysts had described their case by saying that “it has internet feet, flies, and quacks.”On November 10, CIA analysts briefed the Small Group of principals on their preliminary findings that the attack was carried out by a cell of Yemeni residents with some ties to the transnational mujahideen community.Air Force drone known as the Predator, which might survey the territory beneath and send back video footage. Even then, Jumper advised us, issues with the tools persisted.Nonetheless, the Air Pressure was moving at an extraordinary tempo.“In the fashionable period, for the reason that 1980s,” Jumper stated to us,“I could be shocked in the event you found anything that went sooner than this.”246 September 2001 The Principals Committee had its first assembly on al Qaeda on September 4. On the day of the meeting, Clarke sent Rice an impassioned personal observe.He criticized U.S. Learning that the Air Force was considering of 210 THE 9/11 Commission REPORT equipping Predators with warheads, Clarke became even more enthusiastic about redeployment.237 The CTC chief, Cofer Black, argued towards deploying the Predator for reconnaissance purposes. Clarke and Cofer Black, the pinnacle of the Counterterrorist Center, wished to take this next step. The mosaic of menace intelligence came from the Counterterrorist Center, which collected solely abroad. Bin Ladin continued to be elusive.They felt, simply as they had for the past two years, that hitting cheap and rudimentary training camps with costly missiles wouldn't do much good and may even help al Qaeda if the strikes did not kill Bin Ladin.152 In late 2000, the CIA and the NSC staff started considering in regards to the counterterrorism policy agenda they'd current to the new administration.The Counterterrorist Center put down its finest concepts for the long run, assuming it was freed from any prior policy or monetary constraints.The paper was therefore infor- 196 THE 9/eleven Commission REPORT mally referred to as the “Blue Sky” memo; it was sent to Clarke on December 29.The memo proposed • A significant effort to assist the Northern Alliance via intelligence sharing and increased funding so that it could stave off the Taliban military and tie down al Qaeda fighters.This effort was not meant to take away the Taliban from energy, a purpose that was judged impractical and too expensive for the CIA alone to achieve.

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