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Pakistan” and discover coverage options on Afghanistan, “including the option of supporting regime change.”192 Working-degree officials had been also to contemplate new steps on terrorist financing and America’s perennially troubled public diplomacy efforts within the Muslim world, the place NSC workers warned that “we have by and enormous ceded the court docket of public opinion” to al Qaeda. Berger anxious that a Predator might be shot down, and warned Clarke that a shootdown would be a “bonanza” for Bin Ladin and the Taliban.119 Still, Clarke was optimistic about Predator-as well as progress with disruptions of al Qaeda cells elsewhere. One line in the briefing slides mentioned that al Qaeda had sleeper cells in greater than forty international locations, together with the United States.161 Berger instructed us that he made a point of dropping in on Clarke’s briefing of Rice to emphasize the importance of the problem. Alluding to the transition briefing that he had prepared for Rice, Clarke wrote that al Qaeda “is not some narrow, little terrorist subject that needs to be included in broader regional policy.”Two key selections that had been deferred, he noted, concerned covert aid to maintain the Northern Alliance alive when preventing started again in Afghanistan within the spring, and covert support to the Uzbeks.

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Finally, again in Amman from Boston, Hijazi steadily accumulated bomb-making supplies, together with sulfuric acid and 5,200 pounds of nitric acid, which have been then stored in an enormous subbasement dug by the plotters over a interval of two months beneath a rented home.7 In early 1999, Hijazi and Abu Hoshar contacted Khalil Deek, an American citizen and an affiliate of Abu Zubaydah who lived in Peshawar, Pakistan, and who, with Afghanistan-based best suv in uae extremists, had created an digital version of a terrorist handbook, the Encyclopedia of Jihad.They rent a supercar dubai obtained a CD-ROM of this encyclopedia from Deek.Eight In June, with help from Deek,Abu Hoshar organized with Abu Zubaydah for Hijazi and three others to go to Afghanistan for added training in handling explosives. Searches in Amman found the rented house and, amongst different things, 71 drums of acids, a number of solid Saudi passports, detonators, and Deek’s Encyclopedia. FROM Threat TO Threat 185 interagency group traveled to Saudi Arabia twice, in 1999 and 2000, to get information from the Saudis about their understanding of those finances.The group ultimately concluded that the oft-repeated assertion that Bin Ladin was funding al Qaeda from his private fortune was in fact not true. In the spring of 2000, Clarke introduced in the CIA’s assistant director for collection, Charles Allen, to work along with Fry on a joint CIA-Pentagon effort that Clarke dubbed “Afghan Eyes.”112 After much argument between the CIA and the Defense Department about who should pay for this system, the White House ultimately imposed a cost-sharing agreement.The CIA agreed to pay for Predator operations as a 60-day “proof of concept” trial run.113 The Small Group backed Afghan Eyes at the tip of June 2000. By mid-July, testing was completed and the gear was prepared, however authorized points were still being ironed out.114 By August 11, the principals had agreed to deploy the Predator.One hundred fifteen The NSC staff considered how to use the knowledge the drones would be relaying from Afghanistan.On January 25,Tenet briefed the President on the Cole investigation.The written briefing repeated for high officials of the new administration what the CIA had told the Clinton White House in November.This included the “preliminary judgment” that al Qaeda was accountable, with the caveat that no evidence had yet been found that Bin Ladin himself ordered the attack.Tenet advised us he had no recollection of a dialog with the President about this briefing.176 In his January 25 memo, Clarke had suggested Rice that the government ought to respond to the Cole assault,however “should take advantage of the policy that FROM Threat TO Threat 201 ‘we will respond at a time, place and method of our own choosing’ and never be forced into knee-jerk responses.”177 Before Vice President Cheney visited the CIA in mid-February, Clarke sent him a memo-outdoors the usual White House doc-management system-suggesting that he ask CIA officials “what further data is required earlier than CIA can definitively conclude that al-Qida was responsible” for the Cole.178 In March 2001, the CIA’s briefing slides for Rice have been still describing the CIA’s “preliminary judgment” that a “strong circumstantial case” may very well be made in opposition to al Qaeda but noting that the CIA continued to lack “conclusive info on external command and control” of the assault.179 Clarke and his aides continued to offer Rice and Hadley with proof reinforcing the case in opposition to al Qaeda and urging motion.180 The President explained to us that he had been involved lest an ineffectual air strike just serve to offer Bin Ladin a propaganda advantage.

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